The Sikkimese Limboo: A historical retrospection

Introduction:       

The Sikkimese Limboo, one of the races of mongoloid physiognomy  is the aboriginal inhabitant of Sikkim. Quite often, they are addressed as ‘Subba’ and sometimes ‘Tsong’ by the Bhutias and Lepchas of Sikkim.  However, they called themselves  ‘Yakthungba’. They share very close historical and socio-cultural ties with Lepchas and linguistic affinity with Bhutias.Their total population in Sikkim is 56,650 i.e, 9.32% (DESME, 2006, Govt. of Sikkim) of 607688 total population of Sikkim (Cesus, 2011, Govt. of India). They are concentrated mostly in Singpheng, Darap, Nambu, Lungang, Lingbit, Timlon, Daramdin, Tharpu, Sombaria, Soreng, Timburbung, Khanisirbung, Samdong, Martam, Bermoik, Hee-Pangbhay, Uttarey, Lingchom, Tikject, Langang, Changay, Lungjik, Yaksum, Gerethang, Thinling, Mangsabung in the West, Sokay and Rabitar in south, Mangsila in the North and Aho, Assam Lingjay, Biring and Losing in the East district of Sikkim. Their literacy rate in Sikkim is 69.94% of their total population and 9.79% of total population of Sikkim. By profession, Sikkimese Limboo are agriculturalists (60.73%) pursueing subsistent agriculture  and other land based activities (CRESP,2008,p.196). They are mostly land owning community in Sikkim. Their main source of income is from terrace cultivation of agricultural and horticultural corps,  and livestock rearing. Some  engage themselves in government as well as in private jobs (Subba,2008,p.304). They are Yumanists (animists) by faith and belief and  have distinctive culture, very rich language, ‘Yakthung Sappa:n’ belonging to Tibeto-Burman linguistic stock  with its own independent script, ‘Srijonga Script’ developed from Brahmi script. 

The Sikkimese Limboos: A historical retrospection

The Limboos, along with the Lepchas, inhabited the land of present Sikkim from immemorial (Sanyal,1979,p.7). In the record of Sprigg, the Limboos of Sikkim were living even before there was Sikkim for them to live in. Sikkim came into its existence only after 1642 AD, Chu-Ta (Water Horse Year), the year in which PhuntsokNamgyal ascended the throne as the first King of Sikkim at Yaksum, Norbugang, now in West Sikkim (1999,p.V). There was free intercourse and strong ties between the Lepcha and Limboo communities (Basnet,1974, p.16). The Limboos under ten chieftains called ‘Theebo:ng Yakthung’ ruled a landmass called Limbuwan. The boundary of Limbuwan at that point of time extended right from Arun River in the eastern part of present Nepal in the west to Teesta River of present Sikkim in the east, from the Great Himalayans in the north to the Great Indian Plains in the South (Sanyal,1979,pp.6-7). The Lepchas were alsoruled by their chieftains over the century and the first chieftain was TurveyPanu (Siinger, 1967, pp.26-28 and Gurung & Lama,2004,p.108). The Lepcha chieftains ruled land bounded by the river of Teesta in the east and Rangit in the west (Chaudhury, 2006, p.23). However, both the Lepchas and Limboos could not develop a full-fledged state (Datta,1994,p.70) and finally they lost control over their principalities in the late medieval times when Namgyal dynasty was established in Sikkim (Das,1992,p.10 &Santrityayana,1994,p.209).

In the early fourties of the seventeen century, the three prominent Buddhist Chempos, GyalwaLachenChenpo, KardokRigzinChenpo and NgadakSempaChenpo arrived in west Sikkim at a place called Yaksum to spread ‘Cho’ of Buddhism[1]. So, PhuntsokNamgyal, descendent of Khye-Bumsa was consecrated as the first Chogyal of Sikkim at Yaksum[2]. After the acceptance of PhuntsokNamgyal as their first ruler by the three ethnic communities, Bhutia, Lepcha and Limboo or Yakthungba (Tuku, 1991, pp. 50-55), an agreement historically known as ‘Lho-Men-Tsong-Sum’was signed at DenjongPhuntsokKhangsar between the Ministers of Chogyal Chenpo on one side and the leaders of Lepcha and Limboo on the other side invoking the local deities of Pahungree, Phamurong, Tashiding, Pemayangtse, Thekchoyangtse, Rabdentseetc (Lho-Men-Tsong-Sum Document,Kharel, 2002, p.33,Subba,1999,p.125). While signing an agreement of trinity, they pledged and put their seals on the agreement swearing-in that the people of ‘Lho-Men-Tsong-sum’[3] will thereafter not have separate self-government but abide by one order, one destiny, one government and one religion (Subba,1999,pp.125-126).The main reason behind this agreement was to consolidate Namgyalrule and ensure co-operation among the Lhoree (Bhutias), Menree (Lepchas) and Tsongree (Limboos) who inhabited Sikkim at that time (Kazi, 1983, pp. 1-29, Basnet, 1974, p. 16). This event marked the establishment of what is called ‘communicray’ of ‘Lho-Men-Tsong-Sum’and finally full control over the indigenous Lepchas and Limboos by the Tibetan Buddhist theocrat with an effective propagation of Buddhist culture and religion. As such after the establishment Namgyal dynasty in Sikkim a large part of the land inhabited by the two ethnic communities came under the sway of Tibetan theocracyand subsequent process of Tibetan settlement took place in due courses of time. The Buddhist monasteries at Dubdi, Khechopalri and Sangachoelingwhich were meant for the Lepcha and Limboo were built with prime motive to convert them into Buddhist religion and culture (Khamdhak, 2004, pp. 276-285).During that time when a new Himalayan kingdom emerged, its boundary expended as far as Chumbi valley of southern Tibet in the north, Thangla of Bhutan in the east, Titalia of Bihar and Devagaon of Bangladesh in the south and Arun valley of present Nepal in the east (Gurung, 2011, p. 34, Risley, 1894, Sanyal, 1979, Subba, 1999, Wangchuk&Zulca, 2007, Yeshi&Namgyal, 1908).

In 1670 AD, TensungNamgyal succeeded his father as a second Chogyal of Sikkim. TensungNamgyal married three women, the Bhutanese, Tibetan and Tsong (Limboo). The third queen, named Yoyohangma was the daughter of Limboo chief of Limbuwan (then the part of Greater Sikkim after 1642 AD). After getting married with three ladies by TensungNamgyal, there was a quarrel among the three (Sikkim Darbar, 1963 &Kharel,2002,p.35).Such an unavoidable circumstance eventuated the construction of new capital of Sikkim at the place called Rabdentse for the third wife. In the accomplishment of the new palace, capital was shifted from Yaksum to Rabdentse. The Limboo queen, Yoyohangma (also called Thungwamukma by other name), while entering the newly built palace, was asked to name it. She named it ‘Su-him’ which in her expression in Limboo language meant ‘what a beautiful new house!’.Since then, Sukhim became the name of the newly built palace of Rabdentse but not the whole country as Risley quotes (1894,p.40). But however, in the latter stage, the word ‘Su-him’ became the name of whole country. In the subsequence years, due to mispronunciation ‘Su-him’ was also metamorphosed to Sikkom, Sukhim and then finally Sikkim. Therefore, the very name of Sikkim originated from two Limboo words ‘Su’ and ‘him’or ‘khim’meaning ‘New House’ in Limboo language. In glorifying this fact, Sinha (1975,pp.3-11) records, ‘appellation of word ‘Sikkim’ is the greatest contribution of Limboos to Sikkim’. This is say that word Sikkim is corrupted word of Limboos, ‘Suhim’. This is undisputable and undeniable fact that has been aptly glorified by every research scholars and historians and officially accepted and authenticated by ‘the Gazetteer of Sikkim’ by H.H. Risley, 1894. This is the reason why the Sikkimese Limboos even today consider the word ‘Sikkim’ as an epitaph of their Queen, Yoyohangma in their motherland and still call Sikkim ‘Sukhim’ and not Sikkim.

         

After the enthronement of the Chogyal, TensungNamgyal, the matrimonial alliance between the King, Royal Tibetan families and the Tsongs also strengthened and culminated to a great significance in the history of Sikkim. Even the royal Tibetan family members married number Limboo ladies (Basnet, 1974,p.17).The Chogyal granted Royal Decrees ‘Lahalmor’ to the Limboos, permitting them to use their customary drums like Negra (royal kettle drum) and Kay (Chyabrung) while observing their religious gathering, rituals and festivals which they had possessed since immemorial. Through this decree, the Limboo chiefs were permitted to look after the affairs of their ‘thums’, administrative centers (Gurung,1985,pp.69-74). The Limboos, during this period of time (1670-1700) were even said to be Charinangmooof the Royal Palace.[4]

Down the ages, the Limboos have also played crucial role in shaping the history of Sikkim from the time of immemorial (Kazi,1983,pp.1-29). During the time of Chador Namgyal, when the Bhutanese invaded Sikkim and the capital of Sikkim, Rabdentse was captured for eight years, the Tsongs along with the Lepchas and Bhutias fought very bravely against the Bhutanese enemies. They helped YugthingYeshe to carry the minor king to Lhasa via Ilam and Walong to escape the assassination from his helf-sister, Pedi Wangmoo. During thas time, Rhenock and Kalimpong of Sikkim were lost to Bhutan (Sikkim Darbar, 1963, Kharel, 002,p.13). In 1705, Chador Namgyal built, Pemayangtse Monastery and commended that the second of every three sons of a Bhutia family must be ordained a monk of the said Monastery. The Chogyal also made special provision for the Tsongs (Limboos) to get admitted in the Pemayangtse Monastery as a monk to learn Buddhist culture and religion (Sikkim Darbar, 1963,p.5).Such provision was made in due recognition of paramount role and sacrifices made by them for the sake of Sikkim.

In 1770s, new nation-building was taking place under the regime of Prithivinarayan Shah, the ruler of a small principality of Gorkha in western Nepal with the motive of consolidating Nepal into a strong and unified nation. Since 1775, the Gorkha soldiers under the leadership of Gorkha General, Jahar Singh frequently started invading Sikkim. In 1788-1789, during the reign of Sixth Chogyal of Sikkim, Tenzing Namgyal, the Gorkha force finally occupied Sikkim from the western border and Rabdentse remained under the Gorkhas for several years (Gurung, 2011,pp.29-36). The Tsongs, along with the Bhutias and Lepchas withstood strongly to expel the aggression and succeeded considerably (Sikkim Darbar, 1963,p. 8) even though Sikkim had to lose some parts of it to Gorkhas. In 1860s, the British Indian Company attacked and captured most of the parts of west Sikkim. In such situation, the Limboos had have sacrificed their lives, fought jointly with Bhutia and Lepcha great courage and resisted the rivals (Muringla,1983). Hence the history behind the Limboos of Sikkim has many folds of greatness and sacrifices which no other communities of Sikkim surpass.

Elsewhere it was mentioned that during the time, when PhuntsokNamgyal was consecrated as the first King of Sikkim in 1642 AD, the whole landmass of Limbuwan along with Limboo villages came under the Kingdom of Sikkim and thereafter the Limboos came under the sway of Tibetan theocracy and Buddhist culture and religion. But unfortunately aftermath of the Gorkha invasion, Limbuwan, which was within the fold of Sikkim got straddled into two nations, Sikkim under Namgyal dynasty (1642 AD) and Nepal under Saha dynasty (1774 AD).As a result, whole Limboos of Limbuwan were also divided into two folds. One under the Hindu ruler, Prithivirnarayan Saha in Nepal and another under Buddhist ruler, Chogyal in Sikkim.When such event took place, the Limboos of Sikkim were acculturised with the Buddhist culture while the Limboos of Nepal with the Hindu culture. As such the Limboos continued to remain as a sandwitch between the Buddhist and Hindu culture until recently.

According to the agreement, ‘Lho-Men-Tsong-Sum’, the ‘threesome’ were supposed to be the members of the same family. The Bhutia was considered to be a father, Lepcha mother and Limboo son. Through the council, called ‘Lho-Men-Tsong-Sum’ the kingdom was to be ruled.  They all equally had to be represented in the council. They were not supposed to fight among themselves. If one tribe thinks ill of any other tribes, the culprit was to be vexed by the promise (Gurung, 1985, pp. 69-74). However, despite of the Limboos’strong historical hold deeply rooted into the soil of Sikkim, the policy of the successive Chogyals of Sikkim towards the Limboos was sometimes in the horns of delima. Sometimes, the Chogyals of Sikkim treated the Limboos as original inhabitants of Sikkim with reference to ‘Lho-Men-Tsong-Sum’ and sometimes discriminated against because of cultural and linguistic reasons and differences (Gurung, 2011, p. 208). Sometimes they (Limboos) were clubbed with the Bhutia-Lepchas with the use of popular expression ‘Lho-Men-Tsong-Sum’ and sometimes with Nepalis in terms of revenue or tax payment. So, the Limboos did not receive equal treatment from the successive rulers of Sikkim as the Bhutias and Lepchas received from the Chogyals of Sikkim. Even there is no record of Limboos being appointed as Dzongpans (Governors) as well as Kalons (ministers) like that of the Lepchas and Bhutias in the Royal Palace. They were granted mere decrees ‘Lahalmor’ permitting the Limboo chiefs to look after the affairs of their ‘thums’, administrative centres and to use their customary drums like Negra (royal kettle drum) and Kay (Chyabrung) while observing their religious gathering, rituals and festivals (Gurung, 1985, pp. 69-74).

In 1917, when Revenue Order No 1 was implemented, the Limboos were not protected as one of the members of the Chogyal’s citizens. They were unequally treated with Bhutia-Lepchas but at par with the Nepalis and had to pay higher revenue (Gurung, 2011, p. 129). Even when the Sikkim State Council was constituted in 1925, none of the Limboos were included in the Sikkim Council. In 1952, the Darbar of Sikkim introduced Parity System according to which, 6 seats were allotted to the Bhutia-Lepchas and 6 seats to the Nepalis in the Sikkim State Council. But no seat was allotted to the Limboos of Sikkim. However, the Limboos continuously made representations and put constant pressure upon the Chogyal of Sikkim for the grant of ‘Tsong Seat’ in the Sikkim State Council reiterating the historical record of the treaty ‘Lho-Men-Tsong-Sum’ and aboriginality of Limboos of Sikkim.

In 1958, in due respect and recognition of their historical records, the Chogyal of Sikkim nominated Indra Prashad Tsong as a Tsong councillor to represent the Limboos in the Sikkim Council. In 1961, on the basis of the Tripartite Agreement ‘Lho-Men-Tsong-Sum’ the Limboos were provided citizenship[5] through the Sikkim Subject Certificate along with the Sikkimese Bhutias and Lepchas (Sikkim Government Notification No 5/277/61, dated: 3^rd July 1961, Rao, 1978, Datta, 1994, Kharel, 2002, p. 33). In 1966 under the Royal Proclamation, the Twelfth Chogyal of Sikkim, PaldenThendupNamgyal, provided the Tsongs (Limboos) one separate seat, ‘Tsong Seat’ in Sikkim Council for the restoration of their political rights and protection of their distinct identity (Sikkim Darbar Gazette, Gangtok, 21^st December, 1966). Therefrom, Harka Dhoj Tsong became the councillor to represent the Limboos in the Sikkim Council in 1967. This change, however, was not welcomed by the leaders of Sikkim National Congress and Sikkim State Congress and was constantly objected by them. In counter, the Chogyal PaldenThendupNamgyal reiterated that the Tsongs were not Nepalis and in fact they were separate and distinct identity in themselves since ancient times, as such they were granted a ‘Tsong Seat’ (Kazi, 1983, pp. 1-29).In 1968, after the Chogyal’s approval on 11^th March, 1967, teaching of Limboo language in the schools of Sikkim was also started as an optional subject upto class-II (Notification No 36/62/990/Edu 11^th March 1968).[6. The Committee consisting of five members under the Chairmanship of Queen, Hope Cook was also constituted to study the deficiency of the Limboo text book in Sikkim (Subba, 2005, pp. 3-12).

The separate seat for the Tsongs (Limboos) in the Sikkim Council continued to remain until it was abolished on 8^th May 1973 when a tripartite agreement was signed between the Chogyal of Sikkim, the leaders of the major political parties of Sikkim and the Government of India. Thereafter, the Limboos were merged with Nepalis. While abolishing the ‘Tsong Seat’ none of the Limboo was consulted or no consent of the Limboo was taken. This undemocratic act of abolishing ‘Tsong Seat’and their submergence with the Nepalispaved the way for the gradual erosion and dilution of Limboos’ distinct identity.

While overviewing the histrorical aspect of Sikkim, the Sikkimese Limboos are found to be most ancient as Sikkim itself and their history is as ancient as those mountains, rivers and hills of Sikkim. As such in the context of Sikkim, the Limboos are neither Nepalis by aboriginality and indigeneity nor Hindus by religion. From the historical standpoint, they are separate ethnic community with distinct identity in themselves. They are not the immigrant of Nepal or any other places, outside Sikkim and their ethno-culture and social way of life clearly demarcate them to be distinct and separate identity distinguishing from rest of the communities. They are the bonafide Sikkimese citizens who have become Limboos of Sikkimese origin along with their land when Sikkim emerged as one of the independent Himalayan kingdom in 1642 AD. The name of Sikkim furthemore authenticates their aboriginality and indigeneity in Sikkim. Many old documents and ancient history of Sikkim go on to prove these facts.

References:

Primary Sources:

Sikkim Darbar, Gazette, December, 21/1966, No-6.

Sikkim Darbar, Home Department, No 5/277/61 Dated 16^th January 1962.

Census of India (2011) Provisional Population Totals, Paper 1 of 2011, Sikkim series 12.

Government of Sikkim (2006), Socio-Economic Census, Department of Economics, Statistics, Monitoring and Evaluation, Bonney Binding Works.

Government of Sikkim (2008)Report on the Commission For Review Of Environmental and Social Sector Policies, Plans and Programmes, IPR, KwalityStores(Printing Division),Gangtok.

Sikkim Darbar (1963) Sikkim: The People and its land, Publicity Department, Government of Sikkim, Sikkim Govt. Press, Gangtok.

Sikkim Darbar (1963) Sikkim: The People and its Land, Publicity Department, Sikkim Government Press, Gangtok.

Sikkim Darbar (1965) The Coronation of Sikkim, Sikkim Darbar, Gangtok, Sikkim.

Sikkim Darbar (1963) Sikkim; A Concise Chronicles, The Royal Weeding Committee, Sikkim Darbar Press, Gangtok.

Sikkim Darbar (1963) Sikkim; Sikkim Facts and Figures, Sikkim Darbar Press, Gangtok.

Secondary Sources: (Articles):

Datta,Amal (1994) ‘Ethnicity and Resource Management in Sikkim’, in Mahindra P Lama, Sikkim: Society, Polity, Economy and Environment, Gidwani Indus Publishing Company, Elegant Printers, New Delhi, 110064.

Khamdhak, B. L. (2003) ‘The Sikkimese Limboos; Their changing history and status in the pre and post merger of Sikkim’, in Harka Khamdhak, Emeythnasung, Modern Deepak Press, Nadesar, Varanasi, UP.

Sangkrityayana, Jet (1994) ‘Development without Stocks: A Himalayan Experience’ in Mahindra P Lama, Sikkim: Society, Polity, Economy and Environment, Gidwani Indus Publishing Company, Elegant Printers, New Delhi, 110064.

Tulku,Rinku (1991) ‘Buddhist Culture of Sikkim: Problems and Possibilities’ in Sikkim Govt. College, Bulletin of Research Cell,Vo-1,No-1, Research Cell, Sikkim Government College, Tadong, Gangtok.

Secondary Source (Books):

Basnet, L. B (1974) A Short Political History of Sikkim, S. Chand & Co. Pvt. Ltd. New Delhi.

Chaudhury, Maitryee (2006) Sikkim: Geographical Perspectives, Mittal Publications, New Delhi-110006.

Datta,Amal (1991) Sikkim Since Independence (A Study of Important of Education and emerging Class Structure), Mittal Publication, New Delhi-110059.

Gurung, Gopal (1985) Hidden Facts in Nepali Politics, PutaliSarak, Kathmandu, Nepal.

Gurung,S.K. (2010) Kunal Books, 4596/1A, First Floor, 11, Daryaganj, New Delhi-110002.

Kazi, Jigme N. (1983, Spotlight  on  Sikkim,  Eastern  Express  Print  Shop,  Enchay  Colony, Tibet  Road, Gangtok.

Kharel, M.P.(2002) Socio-Economic Condition of Sikkim under Colonial Domination (1889-1947): An Authenticity Discourse, Thesis submitted to the University of North Bengal, Rajarammohnpur, Darjeeling, West Bengal. 

Lama, R.P.& Gurung, M.M.(2004) Culture, Vol-III, Sikkim Study Series, Information and Public Relation, Government of Sikkim, Part-A, Kawality Stores, Gangtok, Sikkim.

Rao,Raghunadha P. (1978) Sikkim: The story of its Integration with India, Cosmo Publications, 24 B Ansari Road Daryaganj, New Delhi-110002.

Risley, H.H.(Reprinted,2001) The Gazetteer of Sikkim, Low Price Publications, A-6Nimri Commercial Centre, Near Ashok Vihar Phase-IV, Delhi.

Sanyal,C.C.(1979) The Limboos a South Eastern Himalayan Kirat People,  Dipti  Printing  and  Binding  Works, 13M,Ariff Road, Calcutta-67.           

Sinha, A.C. (1975) Politics of Sikkim, A Sociological Study, Thomson  Press  India  Ltd., Publication  Division, Farodabad,  Haryana.

Sinha, A.C. (2008) Sikkim, Feudal and Democratic, Indus Publishing Company. New Delhi.

Subba,J. R. (1999) The  Limboos  of  Eastern  Himalayas  with  special  Reference  to  Sikkim, Ambica  Publication, New  Delhi.

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[1] In Tibetan vernacular, ‘Cho’ means‘Dharma’,and Gyal means King.

[2]Even in Limboo version ‘Yaksum’ denotes halting place three. Here ‘Ya:k’ means to halt and ‘Sum’ means threesome.

[3]Lho-Men-Tsong-Sum means the threesome of Bhutia, Lepcha and Limboo.

[4] The word ‘Charinangmoo’ in the statement of Yap Yongda means ‘pro-national as well as loyal of the Palace’.

[5]The status of aboriginality, i.e, aadibashihaak in Nepali language.

[6] Within six years of duration (1968-1974), altogether 9 Limboo language teachers were appointed by the Sikkim Dabar.